27 April 2004
By Jim Weller
While reading through the five books of the Torah in their entireties for the first time, several episodes of extreme retributive violence by early Israelites troubled me deeply, and I have wondered what to make of them ever since.
The first of these is found in Genesis, chapter 34. Here, sometime in the 19th century BCE, Jacob, who is destined to be the progenitor of the nation of Israel, has arrived with his semi-nomadic family group at the city of Shechem, en route from his long sojourn in the land of Laban to his father Isaac’s home territory in Canaan. Shechem, the son of the ruler of this place, meets a daughter of Jacob, Dinah, and desires her, abducts and rapes her. Shechem’s father Hamor the Hivite, on his son’s behalf, pleads with Jacob to give Dinah in marriage, and for a treaty of intermarriage, kinship, and alliance among the two peoples.
Jacob’s sons (who will become the patriarchs of the tribes of Israel), outraged at the defilement of their sister Dinah, agree duplicitously to this treaty, on condition that Hamor and Shechem and every male of their city should be circumcised, like the males of Jacob’s tribe. Then, after Shechem’s people have complied and their men and boys are defenseless, recuperating from their wounds, Jacob’s sons Levi and Simeon attack them, murder all the males of the city, and retreat, taking Dinah with them. Following this, Jacob’s other sons plunder and pillage the place, taking all the women and children captive.
Jacob later chastises his sons Levi and Simeon for their savagery, but they are unrepentant, protesting, “Should our sister be treated like a whore?” Finally, on his deathbed, Jacob curses the lawlessness and relentless wrath of Levi and Simeon and condemns them to territorial disinheritance, vowing, “I will divide them in Jacob, Scatter them in Israel.”
Many generations later in the Hebrew Scriptures’ historical narrative, the brothers Moses and Aaron, descendants of Jacob’s son Levi, led the tribes of Israel out of enslavement in Egypt. Aaron and his progeny were divinely ordained to become the priests of the nation of Israel, and the other Levites (Levi’s descendants), similarly elected, became the functionaries, protectors, and preservers of the Aaronid priesthood. The Levites did not receive divinely granted apportionments of the Promised Land, as the other tribes did. Instead, they were assigned to “forty-eight towns, with their pasture” to occupy, “from the holdings of the Israelites.” Thus, they were indeed scattered throughout Israel forevermore.
I encountered the second story of mass murder and mayhem, one even more disturbing than the first, in the book of Exodus. It is part of the story of the “golden calf.” Here, in the 13th century BCE, some three months after having gone forth from the land of Egypt, the emigrating multitudes of the people of Israel had arrived in the wilderness of Sinai, and encamped below the mountain of God. God had appeared with thunder and lightning, in a cloud of smoke and fire before all the assembled people, and had commanded Moses at length, announcing the Covenant and giving them the Law including the “Ten Commandments.” Moses had ceremonially read aloud all that God had said, and the people had promised to observe it all faithfully. Moses had been summoned by God to ascend the mountain to receive on behalf of the Israelites “the stone tablets with the teachings and commandments which I have inscribed to instruct them.” He remained gone on the mountain forty days and forty nights.
In chapter 32, toward the end of Moses’ absence while meeting with God on the mountain, Moses’ second in command, his brother Aaron, was confronted with restive popular sentiment and discontented demands for “a god who shall go before us” – in other words, a religious object to be celebrated and to which sacrifices might be made. In response, Aaron collected gold rings from them, melted them and cast them in a mold in the form of a calf. The people exclaimed, “This is your God, O Israel, who brought you out of the land of Egypt!” Aaron built an altar before the golden idol, declaring, “Tomorrow shall be a festival of the LORD!” On the morning of the forty-first day of Moses’ absence, “the people offered up burnt offerings and brought sacrifices of well-being;” then they feasted and danced.
Observing this idolatry, God was offended. He said to Moses, “I see that this is a stiffnecked people,” and declared his angry intention to destroy them all. But Moses pleaded to God for mercy, and God “renounced the punishment He had planned to bring upon His people.” Upon his return down the mountain bearing the two tablets of the Covenant inscribed with God’s writing, Moses, enraged, smashed the tablets, destroyed the golden calf, ground it into powder, dissolved it in water, and made the Israelites drink it. At this point in the narrative, the truly horrifying episode ensued:
"Moses saw that the people were out of control – since Aaron had let them get out of control – so that they were a menace to any who might oppose them. Moses stood up in the gate of the camp and said, 'Whoever is for the LORD, come here!' And all the Levites rallied to him. He said to them, 'Thus says the LORD, the God of Israel: Each of you put sword on thigh, go back and forth from gate to gate throughout the camp, and slay brother, neighbor and kin.' The Levites did as Moses had bidden; and some three thousand of the people fell that day. And Moses said, 'Dedicate yourselves to the LORD this day – for each of you has been against son and brother – that He may bestow a blessing upon you today.'"
I must say that reading this second instance, I experienced a strong sense of cognitive dissonance; and, even though I have discovered some scholarly explanations for the existence of this passage in the Hebrew Scriptures, I still wonder at its incongruity with what I think of as the generally humanitarian ethos of the Mosaic Law.
In the first instance, though I was uncomfortable with it, I accepted provisionally the Genesis story of Simeon’s and Levi’s slaughter at Shechem, and the sacking of the city by Jacob’s sons, as another of the innumerable instances of intertribal atrocity in the ancient world – and the rest of world history, for that matter. Moreover, in the context of the Hebrew traditions, that crime against humanity was condemned righteously by Jacob (though inconsistently, since he only penalized Levi and Simeon); and, perhaps significantly, it precedes historically God’s Commandments proscribing murder and prescribing justice toward strangers. On the other hand, since God later commanded the Israelites, under Moses’ leadership, to attack, destroy, and dispossess all the settlements of the people living in the “Promised Land,” which included Shechem, I supposed the precedent massacre could have been seen retrospectively as justified according to Scripture.
The most striking difference between the former episode of wanton killing and the later one at Mount Sinai, therefore, is that the Levitical massacre in Exodus 32 is carried out for purposes of political domination among the Israelites, not for filial vengeance against strangers. It is an internecine mass murder, a willful and indiscriminate act of domestic terrorism by a cadre of armed zealots on the part of a repressive, autocratic leader. Worse, the terrorists are lionized and blessed by their dictator for their bloody, relentless dedication to the letter of the Law, against “son and brother.”
It has been suggested that a political justification of this incident may be made on the principle that times of extreme social peril require extreme countermeasures, reasoning that the gory purge by Moses and the Levites prevented God’s even more destructive punishment. In the narrative context, this is plainly not so. God had already relented in deference to Moses’ argument for the preservation of Israel; and he reserved a penance for the people’s sacramental inconstancy anyway, keeping them wandering desolately in the wilderness forty years in consequence of it before finally delivering them to the Promised Land. Moreover, God imposed immediate punishment upon the Israelites as something of a logical consequence according to Exodus 32:35, which I shall mention shortly.
What are the explanations I found? The first is that chapters 32 and 33 of Exodus are attributed to a Levitical scribe known as E, a distinctively different source than that of the preceding chapters 25-31, and also distinct from that containing the Ten Commandments, chapter 20, the source of both of which is called P. The “Covenant Code,” chapters 21-23, is also due to E. Most of chapter 34, including another version of the Ten Commandments (as well as Genesis 34, the story of the Shechem massacre and plunder) are from a source known as J. Only the P source, in its version of the Ten Commandments (an historically later text than J and E), contains the familiar injunction, “You shall not murder” and the language of humanitarian mercy and relational honor.
The dominant scholarly paradigm regarding the primary source texts of which the five books of the Torah are comprised is referred to as the “Documentary Hypothesis.” I found extensive explanations of its application to my concerns in two books having to do with Biblical source criticism by Richard Elliott Friedman and Anthony R. Ceresko. According to these scholars, four primary textual sources have been distinguished, all of which contain separate written accounts and compilations, made at distinct times and locations and for diverse purposes, of older, mainly oral, communal traditions. It is to be recognized that, like all legendary material, these narratives and customs must certainly have been extensively “morphed” in retelling down through the generations, and adapted and exaggerated for literary purposes when finally set in sacred text. Nevertheless, it is an acknowledged truism that legends generally have some basis in historical experience as well.
The Yahwist or J source is considered the first written, dating from about 960-930 BCE. The author was most likely a Levitical functionary of the administration of King Solomon, second ruler of the monarchy of the House of David, of the tribe of Judah in its capital city of Jerusalem. In his age, the territory of the united tribes of Israel had its greatest extent and the power of the nation was at its height. The Yahwist text preserved the account of the devastation six to eight centuries earlier by the sons of Jacob, of Shechem, the city which became the original seat of the Davidic monarchy in about 1000 BCE.
The Elohist or E source is dated around 900-850 BCE. and is regarded as having been created as a parallel religious text for the northern kingdom of Israel, perhaps in Shechem, re-established as its capital following Israel’s separation from the southern kingdom of Judah after Solomon’s death and the dissolution of the Davidic union. The author of E may have been a prophetic Levite, alienated from the Aaronid priesthood of Jerusalem by the previous accession to power of Solomon’s chief priest Zadok, and the concomitant expulsion of Abiathar, chief of the priests of the northern holy city of Shiloh.
The episode of the golden calf seems to have been included in the E text in order to prefigure events in the history of the northern kingdom of Israel around 900 BCE, when its first king, Jeroboam, erected symbolic figures of two golden bulls in his new religious sanctuaries at the cities of Dan and Beth-El. Jeroboam then spoke (according to a later recounting of the event in the Deuteronomic history 1 Kings) the same words E later put in the mouths of Aaron’s impatient followers who idolized the golden calf at Sinai: “This is your God, O Israel, who brought you out of the land of Egypt!” According to the history, Jeroboam further “made cult places and appointed priests from the ranks of the people who were not of Levite descent,” which “proved to be a cause of guilt, for the people went to worship” at these new shrines.
The consequence of the “golden calf” offense, as alluded in the E text, is divine retribution, and a promise of unspecified future penance. Moses again pleads with God for forgiveness, and offers himself as a penitential sacrifice for the waywardness of his people. God again forbears, but warns, “When I make an accounting, I will bring them to account for their sins,” and delivers his immediate punishment (though perhaps it was a result of Moses having polluted the Israelite’s drinking water with heavy metals): “the LORD sent a plague upon the people, for what they did with the calf that Aaron made.”
Thus, we have a plausible explanation for the inclusion in this text of the Levite’s murderous rampage at Sinai. It may well have preserved a traditional account of an ancient historical or legendary incident, but E’s use of it here seems didactic. It seems intended as a contemporary prophetic assertion of the prerogatives of Levitical authority in the northern kingdom of Israel, directed against both the Aaronid priesthood of Judah and the upstart non-Levite priests appointed by King Jeroboam. This is Friedman’s sense of the matter, and several Bible commentaries tend to concur.
The Levites evidently had attained power, privilege, and perhaps despotic authority among the Israelites even before Moses’ time, in Egypt. The Encyclopaedia Judaica explains as well, “The story of the golden calf emphasizes the loyalty of the tribe to Moses. In this affair, too, as in that of Dinah, the Levites stand out as men of zeal who do not spare brother, friend or kin.”
As Ceresko illustrates, the J and E sources, respectively, represented the southern (Judean) and northern (Israelite) versions of the religious and historical narratives of their related peoples, in which ancient oral traditions were retold, revised, and reinterpreted. The P and D sources were subsequent, chiefly juridical formulations embodying competing sectarian ideologies and belonging, respectively, to 7th century BCE Judean priesthoods of the Aaronid lineage and the Mushites (Levites anciently of Shiloh claiming descent from Moses.) It appears that the originally separate J and E texts had been combined in a process of intercalation under the auspices of the Aaronid priests of Jerusalem, after the conquest of the northern kingdom of Israel and the dispersion of its Hebrew tribes by the Assyrian empire in 722 BCE. In the ensuing period, under Aaronid hegemony in the time of King Hezekiah, P was written as an alternative to JE. D, in turn, was introduced by Mushite partisans three generations later, during their brief ascendancy in the time of King Josiah, to displace P.
Very little in the field of cultural anthropology can be known with much certainty, especially concerning a prehistoric people (the time of Jacob, Simeon, and Levi would have been around 1800 BCE; the earliest Hebrew texts probably weren’t written until well after Moses’ time, circa 1300 BCE), but I am inclined to adduce that the tribal culture of Moses’ Levite group and its antecedents was particularly aggressive, hostile to foreigners and repeatedly murderous. In her book A History of God, Karen Armstrong writes that the deity introduced into Canaan with the emigrants Moses and his successor Joshua led was “a brutal, partial, and murderous God, a god of war who would be known as Yahweh Sabaoth, the God of Armies.”
The Levite priests of Shiloh who, according to Friedman, produced the E text in the 9th century BCE, with its old account of the massacre Moses ordered at Sinai, were the predecessors of the 7th century BCE author of the Deuteronomistic historical narrative (the fourth, or D source), in which Joshua lead the migrating people of the Exodus into Canaan, to slaughter, destroy, and utterly dispossess its natives. The D source is not alone in the 7th century in glorifying the Israelites’ massacres of the 13th century BCE Canaanites. The book of Numbers, Chapters 31 and 32, which are portions of the P text, recount the same story in equally horrendous detail, for instance:
"Moses dispatched . . . a thousand from each tribe . . . against Midian, as the LORD had commanded Moses, and slew every male. Along with their other victims, they slew the kings of Midian . . . The Israelites took the women and children of the Midianites captive, and seized as booty all their beasts, all their herds, and all their wealth. And they destroyed by fire all the towns in which they were settled, and their encampments."
Perhaps those disturbing tales of Israelite mass murder and mayhem were made by their Levitical authors, as it were, from whole cloth, literary inventions designed to serve as horror stories for the purpose of establishing and reinforcing priestly authority in their respective socio-cultural milieux. Perhaps they were legendary reflections of a brutal, nomadic tribal past reconstituted in monarchic times for socio-religious purposes to meet with contemporary historic exigencies.
I suppose I must conclude that, along with the ethic of merciful justice and temperance attributed to the Yahwist God in J’s account of a theophany to Moses (“a God compassionate and gracious, slow to anger, abounding in kindness and faithfulness”) , there is also in the Hebrew Scriptures a violent, implacable, obdurate religious tradition as well, particularly but not only exemplified in the D and E texts (which contain no recital of the Ten Commandments’ prohibition of murder.)
This conclusion comes as no surprise, of course, humankind’s unending capacity for inhumanity toward its own kind having been amply demonstrated in every generation and in every religion, coexisting salvific ethical traditions notwithstanding. As Walter Cronkite used to sign off his nightly television news program, “And that’s the way it is.”
But then still, there is hope, for as the Scottish religious leader Mary Webb (1881-1927) observed wryly, “The well of Providence is deep. It’s the buckets we bring to it that are small.”
Saturday, July 31, 2004
Friday, July 30, 2004
Alfie and the Meek
2 December 1997
By Jim Weller
The day after Thanksgiving, I listened to the National Public Radio program, Fresh Air, on KQED-FM. The host, Terry Gross, was interviewing the lyricist, Hal David, well known for his popular songs, especially those written for movies and with composer Burt Bacharach. When asked what song his own favorite might be, Mr. David unhesitatingly answered that it was the song, Alfie, set to music composed by Bacharach, for the 1966 movie of the same name.
I remembered especially liking this song myself, for its beautiful melody and touching lyrics. I can still hear it in its originally recorded version by Dionne Warwick - just as though it were playing aloud, in my head. I never saw the movie, but I gather it was the story of a callous and hedonistic playboy who, in his benightedness and irresponsibility, breaks young women’s hearts and otherwise variously does emotional harm in his daily affairs.
The song goes like this:
What’s it all about, Alfie?
Is it just for the moment we live?
What’s it all about, when you sort it out, Alfie?
Are we meant to take more than we give?
Or are we meant to be kind?
And, if only fools are kind, Alfie,
Then I guess it is wise to be cruel.
And if life belongs only to the strong, Alfie,
What will you lend on an old golden rule?
As sure as I believe, there’s a heaven above, Alfie.
I know there’s something much more,
Something even non-believers can believe in.
I believe in love, Alfie.
Without true love, we just exist, Alfie.
Until we find the love we’ve missed, we’re nothing, Alfie.
Where you walk, let your heart lead the way,
And you’ll find love every day, Alfie.
There is a deeply meaningful message of right relation to be made of this: Let us be willing to lend our loving-kindness on the collateral of hope and faith, without exacting a price in return. Let us seek to give more than we take, and to take but what we need. Let us seek to know the love that reunifies humanity with its Divine source and nature.
I am reminded of certain Biblical passages I first encountered long ago, as a boy in a children’s Bible study group.
Faith, hope, love; these three abide. But the greatest of these is love. II Cor. 13:13
Blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the earth. Mt. 5:3, 5
I didn’t suspect it when I was a youth first hearing his heartfelt lyrics, nor even at all later until I heard the reverence in his own commentary, but I think Hal David, in composing the lyrics for Alfie, must have had such pastoral meanings in mind, all along.
Scriptural teachings require considerable interpretation in order to be very meaningful for most of us living at this time, the beginning of the third millennium of the Common Era. The gospels and epistles of the New Testament as we know them now are couched in the archaic English of King James, having been translated at that time from the Latin Vulgate in which the original Koine Greek writings, set down ninety or so human generations ago, were preserved.
The important ethical and religious messages we have from the Christian and Hebrew Bibles have been held up as beacons of enlightenment for all times in Western civilization, but the standard texts call for plenty of semantic analysis and reformulation, particularly for those who approach them from a secular or non-sectarian viewpoint.
In Hal David’s words, there is “something much more” to be known than contemporary contrivance and artifice, “something even non-believers can believe in”. Something more essen¬tial, unconditional, eternal. Something, if you will, based in wisdom, as contrasted with craftiness and cunning. And where better to find wisdom, as latter-day heirs of Western civilization’s tree of knowledge, than in the testaments of the saints and apostles and prophets?
Blessed are the poor in spirit. What does this mean? Abject poverty is hardly a blessing, not by anybody’s standards, and dispiritedness, despair, and depression seem just the antithesis of anyone’s idea of beneficence. How can the first Beatitude be any kind of benediction?
I take poor in spirit to mean something like ‘in the spirit of humility,’ or ‘of simple spirit’ – in the sense that it is more blessed to forego or to share the excess wealth one might create, than to gain riches oneself, and that non-attachment to worldly goods is a worthier spiritual orientation than its alternative.
And who are the blessed “meek” of the third Beatitude? They are the harmless and defenseless souls, those who seek to demonstrate the human capacity for kindness and cooperation, instead of competition and dominion. They shall inherit the earth because it is their ways that promote reconciliation and renewal, instead of decadence, disintegration, and depletion.
The theological virtues of faith, hope, and love are the spiritual gifts characteristic of the truly “meek” and “poor in spirit” among us; and, as an overarching virtue, love is the greatest of these.
I believe in love, too, and that, by simply accepting the Divine grace that is forever offered to us, we shall know the spiritual blessings of faith, hope, and love, in living here and now – and truly inherit the earth, as it has been given us by the miracle of life, and enter the kingdom of heaven while we live, in reverence for the “wholiness” of life and being.
May it be so.
Amen.
By Jim Weller
The day after Thanksgiving, I listened to the National Public Radio program, Fresh Air, on KQED-FM. The host, Terry Gross, was interviewing the lyricist, Hal David, well known for his popular songs, especially those written for movies and with composer Burt Bacharach. When asked what song his own favorite might be, Mr. David unhesitatingly answered that it was the song, Alfie, set to music composed by Bacharach, for the 1966 movie of the same name.
I remembered especially liking this song myself, for its beautiful melody and touching lyrics. I can still hear it in its originally recorded version by Dionne Warwick - just as though it were playing aloud, in my head. I never saw the movie, but I gather it was the story of a callous and hedonistic playboy who, in his benightedness and irresponsibility, breaks young women’s hearts and otherwise variously does emotional harm in his daily affairs.
The song goes like this:
What’s it all about, Alfie?
Is it just for the moment we live?
What’s it all about, when you sort it out, Alfie?
Are we meant to take more than we give?
Or are we meant to be kind?
And, if only fools are kind, Alfie,
Then I guess it is wise to be cruel.
And if life belongs only to the strong, Alfie,
What will you lend on an old golden rule?
As sure as I believe, there’s a heaven above, Alfie.
I know there’s something much more,
Something even non-believers can believe in.
I believe in love, Alfie.
Without true love, we just exist, Alfie.
Until we find the love we’ve missed, we’re nothing, Alfie.
Where you walk, let your heart lead the way,
And you’ll find love every day, Alfie.
There is a deeply meaningful message of right relation to be made of this: Let us be willing to lend our loving-kindness on the collateral of hope and faith, without exacting a price in return. Let us seek to give more than we take, and to take but what we need. Let us seek to know the love that reunifies humanity with its Divine source and nature.
I am reminded of certain Biblical passages I first encountered long ago, as a boy in a children’s Bible study group.
Faith, hope, love; these three abide. But the greatest of these is love. II Cor. 13:13
Blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the earth. Mt. 5:3, 5
I didn’t suspect it when I was a youth first hearing his heartfelt lyrics, nor even at all later until I heard the reverence in his own commentary, but I think Hal David, in composing the lyrics for Alfie, must have had such pastoral meanings in mind, all along.
Scriptural teachings require considerable interpretation in order to be very meaningful for most of us living at this time, the beginning of the third millennium of the Common Era. The gospels and epistles of the New Testament as we know them now are couched in the archaic English of King James, having been translated at that time from the Latin Vulgate in which the original Koine Greek writings, set down ninety or so human generations ago, were preserved.
The important ethical and religious messages we have from the Christian and Hebrew Bibles have been held up as beacons of enlightenment for all times in Western civilization, but the standard texts call for plenty of semantic analysis and reformulation, particularly for those who approach them from a secular or non-sectarian viewpoint.
In Hal David’s words, there is “something much more” to be known than contemporary contrivance and artifice, “something even non-believers can believe in”. Something more essen¬tial, unconditional, eternal. Something, if you will, based in wisdom, as contrasted with craftiness and cunning. And where better to find wisdom, as latter-day heirs of Western civilization’s tree of knowledge, than in the testaments of the saints and apostles and prophets?
Blessed are the poor in spirit. What does this mean? Abject poverty is hardly a blessing, not by anybody’s standards, and dispiritedness, despair, and depression seem just the antithesis of anyone’s idea of beneficence. How can the first Beatitude be any kind of benediction?
I take poor in spirit to mean something like ‘in the spirit of humility,’ or ‘of simple spirit’ – in the sense that it is more blessed to forego or to share the excess wealth one might create, than to gain riches oneself, and that non-attachment to worldly goods is a worthier spiritual orientation than its alternative.
And who are the blessed “meek” of the third Beatitude? They are the harmless and defenseless souls, those who seek to demonstrate the human capacity for kindness and cooperation, instead of competition and dominion. They shall inherit the earth because it is their ways that promote reconciliation and renewal, instead of decadence, disintegration, and depletion.
The theological virtues of faith, hope, and love are the spiritual gifts characteristic of the truly “meek” and “poor in spirit” among us; and, as an overarching virtue, love is the greatest of these.
I believe in love, too, and that, by simply accepting the Divine grace that is forever offered to us, we shall know the spiritual blessings of faith, hope, and love, in living here and now – and truly inherit the earth, as it has been given us by the miracle of life, and enter the kingdom of heaven while we live, in reverence for the “wholiness” of life and being.
May it be so.
Amen.
Personal Being and Being Itself
6 July 2004
By Jim Weller
What people call God is the self-conscious relation of personal being with Being itself; and vice-versa, if you prefer – the relation of Being itself with conscious, personal being. One key to this understanding is relatedness, but not just in the usual inter-personal sense. God is self-relatedness; it is relatedness itself.
God is not a Supreme Being of a higher order above, or among other beings; nor is it very helpful to say that God is Being itself. The God experience arises in the contemplation of mind upon the relation of its essence and its existence. The ultimate realization of God is that God's essence is existence. Answering my daughter Maggie’s question, “How big is God’s mind, Daddy?” I once replied, perhaps cryptically, “About as big as your mind, I suppose. If there were no minds to know God, there’d be no God to know.”
Adyashanti says, “Because of an innocent misunderstanding, you think that you are a human being in the relative world seeking the experience of Oneness, but actually you are the One expressing itself as the experience of being a human being.” As Alan Watts put it, “Every individual is an expression of the whole realm of nature, a unique action of the total universe.” I have put it this way: “We are Being itself experiencing itself being experienced.” Experienced by whom? By itself, of course.
Watts explained further, “God also likes to play hide-and-seek, but because there is nothing outside God, he has no one but himself to play with. But he gets over this difficulty by pretending that he is not himself. Now when God plays hide and pretends that he is you and I, he does it so well that it takes him a long time to remember where and how he hid himself. But that’s the whole fun of it – just what he wanted to do.”
In the ancient Hebrew mythos, the presence of God astonishes Moses, appearing as though in a burning bush that is nevertheless not consumed. Moses asks God’s name. God replies, Eyeh-Asher-Eyeh (written YHWH, in translation pronounced, “Yahweh”) – “I am that I am.” In God, essence and existence are One, and it is significant that this realization is made by a human being. It could not be otherwise. It is said we are made in God’s image, because it is in human reflection that God recognizes himself, or herself, or itself, and remembers that existence itself was all no accident, after all. “Peek-a-boo! I see you!”
Sometimes this realization occurs to us when we recognize ourselves in other beings, other people. The Beatles sang, “I am He as you are He, and you are me, and we are all together.” This can be heard as a sort of koan – with startling, silly, ecstatic names of God: “I am the Eggman; they are the Eggmen; I am the Walrus! Goo goo g’joob!”
For me, a metaphor of raindrops is apt. We, living beings, are like raindrops falling from on high. We are formed, mind and body, in incomprehensible complexity like drops of water, as though from diffuse, disintegrated water molecules suspended in clouds of being. We are separate droplets, distinct from one another, only for the short time we are falling to our destiny. We take form as precipitating raindrops do; we grow, experience individuality, take on elements present in our environment and incorporate them, and are buffeted by the forces of nature as we fall inexorably to earth, eventually to merge into oneness, in pools and streams that flow into oceans of being. Thence the molecules that once were contained in falling drops rise again, evaporating into the atmosphere, moving over the face of the earth in great cumulonimbus clouds where, formed in chaos, droplets fall again in countless numbers, again and over again, for aeons.
The numberless elemental atoms and molecules of which we are formed once existed in other forms, in other entities, mineral, vegetable, and animal. Once, before the world and life began, we were interstellar particles, stardust forged in the centers of brilliant suns. In the fullness of time the form and substance that is us, body and mind, will dissolve and these elemental particles will then participate in the forms of other bodies, other minds, again and over again, ever changing, forever. Is all this accidental? Is it meaningless? Remember who you are!
Amen.
By Jim Weller
What people call God is the self-conscious relation of personal being with Being itself; and vice-versa, if you prefer – the relation of Being itself with conscious, personal being. One key to this understanding is relatedness, but not just in the usual inter-personal sense. God is self-relatedness; it is relatedness itself.
God is not a Supreme Being of a higher order above, or among other beings; nor is it very helpful to say that God is Being itself. The God experience arises in the contemplation of mind upon the relation of its essence and its existence. The ultimate realization of God is that God's essence is existence. Answering my daughter Maggie’s question, “How big is God’s mind, Daddy?” I once replied, perhaps cryptically, “About as big as your mind, I suppose. If there were no minds to know God, there’d be no God to know.”
Adyashanti says, “Because of an innocent misunderstanding, you think that you are a human being in the relative world seeking the experience of Oneness, but actually you are the One expressing itself as the experience of being a human being.” As Alan Watts put it, “Every individual is an expression of the whole realm of nature, a unique action of the total universe.” I have put it this way: “We are Being itself experiencing itself being experienced.” Experienced by whom? By itself, of course.
Watts explained further, “God also likes to play hide-and-seek, but because there is nothing outside God, he has no one but himself to play with. But he gets over this difficulty by pretending that he is not himself. Now when God plays hide and pretends that he is you and I, he does it so well that it takes him a long time to remember where and how he hid himself. But that’s the whole fun of it – just what he wanted to do.”
In the ancient Hebrew mythos, the presence of God astonishes Moses, appearing as though in a burning bush that is nevertheless not consumed. Moses asks God’s name. God replies, Eyeh-Asher-Eyeh (written YHWH, in translation pronounced, “Yahweh”) – “I am that I am.” In God, essence and existence are One, and it is significant that this realization is made by a human being. It could not be otherwise. It is said we are made in God’s image, because it is in human reflection that God recognizes himself, or herself, or itself, and remembers that existence itself was all no accident, after all. “Peek-a-boo! I see you!”
Sometimes this realization occurs to us when we recognize ourselves in other beings, other people. The Beatles sang, “I am He as you are He, and you are me, and we are all together.” This can be heard as a sort of koan – with startling, silly, ecstatic names of God: “I am the Eggman; they are the Eggmen; I am the Walrus! Goo goo g’joob!”
For me, a metaphor of raindrops is apt. We, living beings, are like raindrops falling from on high. We are formed, mind and body, in incomprehensible complexity like drops of water, as though from diffuse, disintegrated water molecules suspended in clouds of being. We are separate droplets, distinct from one another, only for the short time we are falling to our destiny. We take form as precipitating raindrops do; we grow, experience individuality, take on elements present in our environment and incorporate them, and are buffeted by the forces of nature as we fall inexorably to earth, eventually to merge into oneness, in pools and streams that flow into oceans of being. Thence the molecules that once were contained in falling drops rise again, evaporating into the atmosphere, moving over the face of the earth in great cumulonimbus clouds where, formed in chaos, droplets fall again in countless numbers, again and over again, for aeons.
The numberless elemental atoms and molecules of which we are formed once existed in other forms, in other entities, mineral, vegetable, and animal. Once, before the world and life began, we were interstellar particles, stardust forged in the centers of brilliant suns. In the fullness of time the form and substance that is us, body and mind, will dissolve and these elemental particles will then participate in the forms of other bodies, other minds, again and over again, ever changing, forever. Is all this accidental? Is it meaningless? Remember who you are!
Amen.
What Is God?
August 19, 2002
By Jim Weller
What is God? We cannot prove that God is – not objectively, because God is not an object. You may say, ergo, there is no God. But I say, God is the subject.
We know God only subjectively. We experience God in our selves. To pray to an objective God is idolatry. God is the soul, in you, and in me.
God is the holy spirit, the spirit of life that we know as our uttermost selves. God is your innermost being. God is being itself, and you are in being – that you know by your own experience. You are in God. You are of God. God is nothing other. There is no other than God.
This you can only know by your own experience. And faith is the state of knowing that comes of this experience, gnosis. Faith is the state of being ultimately concerned with knowing being itself. Being itself is divine being, and is known by your own incontrovertible being. In this, you can have faith. In this, you can be truly ultimately concerned.
Now, you may deny God. You may deny the idea of God. You may deny the existence of God. But you cannot deny existence itself. You do exist. And you must believe that all that you can know by your own experience does exist. And you probably believe, as I do, that much, much more – ever so much more than you or I can ever experience, more than any one can ever know, does indeed exist.
So what? So, while you may very well think of all of existence as an incomprehensibly vast, endless collection of objects, that could, in principle, all be objectively known and proven to exist, it may not have occurred to you that all of existence could not be, without you.
All of being – all that ever was, is now, ever shall be – had to be, in order for you to be. Otherwise, you would not be you, just so. And you, certainly, are. You are in being. You are being itself. In order for being itself to be known, you – and I – must be. And, indeed, we jolly well are, aren’t we?
In our knowing, we are the consciousness, and the conscience, of being itself. God is the subject. God is that which experiences in us, and God is the experience. God is that which experiences itself experiencing being.
We are it. It is us. When you come to know the truth of this, you know the ultimate truth. And the truth shall set you free.
I’m not sure whether this is a sermon, or a philosophy lecture. It is a transcription of wee hours musings. In any case, it seems meant to be like a Zen koan - a riddle that, in its non-sense or circularity, breaks a mental block, allowing understanding to flow through.
By Jim Weller
What is God? We cannot prove that God is – not objectively, because God is not an object. You may say, ergo, there is no God. But I say, God is the subject.
We know God only subjectively. We experience God in our selves. To pray to an objective God is idolatry. God is the soul, in you, and in me.
God is the holy spirit, the spirit of life that we know as our uttermost selves. God is your innermost being. God is being itself, and you are in being – that you know by your own experience. You are in God. You are of God. God is nothing other. There is no other than God.
This you can only know by your own experience. And faith is the state of knowing that comes of this experience, gnosis. Faith is the state of being ultimately concerned with knowing being itself. Being itself is divine being, and is known by your own incontrovertible being. In this, you can have faith. In this, you can be truly ultimately concerned.
Now, you may deny God. You may deny the idea of God. You may deny the existence of God. But you cannot deny existence itself. You do exist. And you must believe that all that you can know by your own experience does exist. And you probably believe, as I do, that much, much more – ever so much more than you or I can ever experience, more than any one can ever know, does indeed exist.
So what? So, while you may very well think of all of existence as an incomprehensibly vast, endless collection of objects, that could, in principle, all be objectively known and proven to exist, it may not have occurred to you that all of existence could not be, without you.
All of being – all that ever was, is now, ever shall be – had to be, in order for you to be. Otherwise, you would not be you, just so. And you, certainly, are. You are in being. You are being itself. In order for being itself to be known, you – and I – must be. And, indeed, we jolly well are, aren’t we?
In our knowing, we are the consciousness, and the conscience, of being itself. God is the subject. God is that which experiences in us, and God is the experience. God is that which experiences itself experiencing being.
We are it. It is us. When you come to know the truth of this, you know the ultimate truth. And the truth shall set you free.
I’m not sure whether this is a sermon, or a philosophy lecture. It is a transcription of wee hours musings. In any case, it seems meant to be like a Zen koan - a riddle that, in its non-sense or circularity, breaks a mental block, allowing understanding to flow through.
How Big Is God?
21 June 1994
By Jim Weller
“How big is God, Daddy? Is he bigger than a house?”, asked Anna, my firstborn and the more pensive of my two little girls, one afternoon while we sat together on the front porch railing after their preschool day.
“God is not a person, or a thing you can see, or touch, or hear,” I answered her, quite as thoughtfully. “God is . . . a feeling inside you. God is how you feel when you know you are alive. God is what you feel when you love someone. When you say, ‘I love you,’ you feel God in you.”
Anna sat quietly for half a minute, enjoying her ice cream cone. “I love you, Daddy”, she said.
“I know, sweetie. I love you, too. Listen. Do you remember the day we were at the beach, when you were kneeling in the wet sand, with your back to the waves, and you’d laugh as each wave surprised you, splashing over your shoulders? Maggie was playing by herself, near us on the big rocks, and you and I were there in the surf, and I’d laugh when you laughed, and you looked up at me then and yelled, ‘I’m haaaap-py!’ Do you remember how good you felt then? That was God, laughing inside you.”
By Jim Weller
“How big is God, Daddy? Is he bigger than a house?”, asked Anna, my firstborn and the more pensive of my two little girls, one afternoon while we sat together on the front porch railing after their preschool day.
“God is not a person, or a thing you can see, or touch, or hear,” I answered her, quite as thoughtfully. “God is . . . a feeling inside you. God is how you feel when you know you are alive. God is what you feel when you love someone. When you say, ‘I love you,’ you feel God in you.”
Anna sat quietly for half a minute, enjoying her ice cream cone. “I love you, Daddy”, she said.
“I know, sweetie. I love you, too. Listen. Do you remember the day we were at the beach, when you were kneeling in the wet sand, with your back to the waves, and you’d laugh as each wave surprised you, splashing over your shoulders? Maggie was playing by herself, near us on the big rocks, and you and I were there in the surf, and I’d laugh when you laughed, and you looked up at me then and yelled, ‘I’m haaaap-py!’ Do you remember how good you felt then? That was God, laughing inside you.”
Thursday, July 29, 2004
It’s Just War – Oxymoron or Moral Criteria?
21 March 2004
By Jim Weller
Two score and twelve weeks ago, our moral forfeiture brought forth upon this continent a new nationalism, conceived in infamy and dedicated to the proposition that all men, all women, and all nations, are created equal under the supremacy of the armed forces of the United States of America. Now we are engaged in a great war against any and all insurgencies, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met in a fragile sanctuary on this anniversary, reflecting together upon the implications of our present state of interminable war.
I’ve used the term, “Wehrmacht,” to refer to the United States military-industrial complex, particularly under our present political leadership, with reference to the Nazi war machine of the last century. “Wehrmacht” was the name of the German armed forces during the Third Reich, 1933 to 1945. The direct translation is “defense forces.” I think there are deeply disturbing parallels between that and the 21st century militarism of the United States, which has now committed itself to the most egregious campaign of international aggression since the time of the Second World War. I am reminded, too, that history is an assiduous teacher – when we have forgotten its lessons, it repeats them.
I know my use of this language has deeply affronted at least one of my friends, who spent much of his life in the service of the U.S. military. Perhaps it offends others as well. I don’t mean to impugn your honor, or your personal worth and dignity. I do mean to confront the evil that is done when we justify war as an instrument of political power. Our nation’s present and past uses of its overwhelming military force are an abominable affront to human morality, by which all humanity is profoundly aggrieved.
I will try to avoid confusing abstract issues with concrete human conditions. War and peace, in the final analysis, are not abstractions. They are matters of life and death. They are brought about, in every instance, not by abstract causes, but by the intentional agency of free will.
I assert, in concrete terms, that war is inherently evil. To willfully engage in war is to justify concrete evil. To disavow war – and that is what I call each and every one of us to do – is to proclaim the moral imperative of “just peace.” To theorize “just war” is not only to abstract, but to falsify the truth. It is no less false than to aver, as in George Orwell’s doublespeak, that “War Is Peace.” War and peace are dichotomous. One cannot conclude logically from the other. The one can arise only in negation of the other. To negate the common good of peace, as our government has done, is to make a shameless mockery of the moral value of justice.
A growing number of people today believe that war is always wrong; that no circumstances ever justify one nation’s taking up arms against another. Is this view ethically sound?
To attempt a final analysis of terms in justification of war, for all times and all circumstances, would be more than futile; it would be useless. The premise here is rather that the present era is circumstantially different from other times when nations have engaged in war. For that reason, moral rationales that may have pertained in the past are no longer fitting. The view is that present day conditions of international warfare are such that no real-world war can be conducted under the kind of circumstances that once might have allowed so-called “just war” theory to stand to reason.
Traditional justifications, in this view, are no longer deemed reasonable, because the primary standards of “just war” theory, those of “just cause,” “non-combatant immunity,” and “proportionality of means and ends,” can no longer be upheld.
Traditionally, the only justifiable “causes,” that is the reasons and purposes, for war, are (1) national defense against foreign aggression, and (2) intervention in behalf of a nation subjected to foreign aggression (or counter-intervention against an unjust international intervention, or international intervention in warfare between mutual aggressors.) Under any circumstances other than these instances of justifiable defense, the entry into warfare, for any of a multitude of conceivable “reasons of state,” has been regarded as constituting the crime of international aggression.
In traditional moral reasoning, “just cause” is a necessary condition, but is not itself sufficient, to justify warfare. Additionally, the ways and means of waging war must not violate the rights of non-combatants to life, liberty, and property. The fighting – the damage, destruction, and killing – is to be limited to the persons and properties of the embattled armies. Only military personnel and war materiel are supposed to be put in harm’s way.
Further, the extent of the violence engaged in and the severity of the damage done is to be constrained by a sense of just proportion, such that, in meeting the requirements of defense, the force employed does not exceed that which is reasonably necessary to counter aggression. Escalation of warfare into excessive or disproportionate violence, though begun in justifiable defense, itself becomes criminal aggression.
Traditional proportionality in “just war” theory also includes the idea of a “reasonable expectation of success.” When violent means resorted to in defense, resistance, or retaliation cannot reasonably be expected to bring about an end to the aggression defended against, the defensive warfare cannot be justified as “proportionate” in its violence. In other words, defense would be futile, senseless, reckless, and wrongful – just as wrong as the aggression itself. Indiscriminate violence in defense against aggression would be just as wrong.
Since the advent of mechanized warfare and especially with the predominance of hugely destructive means of long-range bombardment, wars waged by national armies and armadas cannot be engaged in without the unconscionable harm to non-combatants now euphemistically called “collateral damage.” The recent development of so-called “smart weapons” notwithstanding, all warfare now entails much more damage and destruction of “civilian infrastructure,” and killing and injury of “innocent civilians” – often deliberate and intentional – than it does strictly military casualties. Moreover, the technical facility with which modern military attacks and counterattacks are carried out, with relative impunity, by far-away commanders and war equipment operators, make conventions in restraint of violence problematic, if not meaningless.
Furthermore, the complex world we live in is so interconnected economically and politically, and so thoroughly militarized, that it is virtually impossible for a “just cause” for war to be clearly distinguished. When, even in case of response against open aggression or atrocity, are the supposedly just motives of the rulers of powerful nations unmixed with avarice, ambition, or obdurate ideology?
These are some of the reasons why people have come to believe that international warfare is categorically unjustifiable and immoral, and I am not hesitant to identify myself as one of them. Let’s examine the obligations, ideals, and consequences involved in this moral analysis.
Ideologues intent upon war invariably argue that the first obligation of a national government is to defend its citizens against attack by potential enemies. This presumes, of course, the condition of enmity, of clear and present danger of attack by armed adversaries. Such conditions undoubtedly do exist in today’s world. And the duty to resist aggression is a traditionally recognized element in “just war” theory.
Nevertheless, these conditions of enmity do not exist for no reason. Threatening nations always perceive themselves, usually correctly, as being threatened, and actually aggrieved, by the enemies armed against them. War is the actualization of mutual enmity between armed forces prepared for war. Thus, as Albert Einstein is said to have commented, “You cannot simultaneously prevent and prepare for war.”
A state of constantly potential warfare can only be ended, and war prevented, by ceasing the aggravations that create international enmity. A powerful nation’s conversion to waging peace would entail its discontinuation of the cultural and economic antagonisms that prevail among human societies, and, contrary to prevailing policies of state, its voluntary national disarmament. Only the powerful nation that would dare to be first to beat its swords into ploughshares, and then give them to the poor of the world, can lead the community of nations toward peaceful coexistence.
In contradiction of the conventional obligation to “protect and defend” the nation by military preparedness, it is the truer obligation to humanity to prepare for peace by ceasing to threaten, aggrieve, and oppress. “National security” would be better attained through conversion to an ethic of cooperation and reconciliation, instead of competition and conflict, that is, to “love thine enemies,” and “love thy neighbor as thyself.”
When it comes to supposedly moral “justifications” of war in concrete practice, rather than abstract principle, two diametrically opposing ideals, war and peace, are conflated. Lasting peace is never achieved by means of war. The assertion that peaceful ends can be brought about by warlike means is a tragic lie. War accomplishes only death and destruction; winning a war can bring about only a temporary remission of armed conflict.
The waging of war begets more war. The nation that commits itself to readiness for war upholds war as its ideal. Only a nation that is committed to no war, and which actively seeks the good of others, instead of pursuing its own gain at the expense of others, can promote the ideal of peace. The powerful nation which is ready, willing, and able to wage overwhelmingly destructive warfare cannot serve as a peacemaker. Its defining ideal is war, not peace.
Demagogues exhorting populations to accept and support war invoke other oft-supposed obligations and ideals, but these are never more than cynical misuses of common human aspirations. Their traducements assert putative obligations in support of universal ideals, such as defending human rights against abuses, preserving individual freedom and prosperity, and promoting democracy. These are cruel charades.
The consequences of war in the 21st century can entail no such ideals, but only their opposites. These inevitable outcomes are central to the conviction that war, in any circumstances, is no longer a moral option. The potential harm to humans and their habitations, and to other living things, in any war carried out by a major military power today, ranges from catastrophic to apocalyptic. It can only result in enormous human grief and suffering, and a certainty of future violent conflict. The effects of war today are unmitigated evil. No good can come of it. Assertions to the contrary, that beneficial ends can come of the terrible means of modern warfare, are damned lies.
Among the obligations, ideals, and consequences involved in these considerations, the consequences are of the greatest concern. The consequences of war negate the positive obligations of national defense and national security, and the ideal of peace. The consequences of war obviate the falsely invoked ideals of the demagogue. Only the monstrous ideal of war itself, of military domination, which is concomitantly held paramount and denied by its greatest promoters, is met with in the consequences of war.
Is it ever really the case that no alternative to war is available to powerful modern nations? I think not. There are always a myriad of policy choices for resolution of international grievances. A will to peace is the only way to prevent war. Peace is the way. War, in reality, is no more the moral last resort reserved in “just war” theorization. It is the proximate resort of the will to coercive political power.
The end of a moral analysis is to decide which choice is most ethical. The answer is plain and simple. It is “to be or not to be,” that is, to be a warlike nation employing evil means for inhumane purposes, or not. A “just” war is no longer possible, if indeed it ever was.
By Jim Weller
Two score and twelve weeks ago, our moral forfeiture brought forth upon this continent a new nationalism, conceived in infamy and dedicated to the proposition that all men, all women, and all nations, are created equal under the supremacy of the armed forces of the United States of America. Now we are engaged in a great war against any and all insurgencies, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met in a fragile sanctuary on this anniversary, reflecting together upon the implications of our present state of interminable war.
I’ve used the term, “Wehrmacht,” to refer to the United States military-industrial complex, particularly under our present political leadership, with reference to the Nazi war machine of the last century. “Wehrmacht” was the name of the German armed forces during the Third Reich, 1933 to 1945. The direct translation is “defense forces.” I think there are deeply disturbing parallels between that and the 21st century militarism of the United States, which has now committed itself to the most egregious campaign of international aggression since the time of the Second World War. I am reminded, too, that history is an assiduous teacher – when we have forgotten its lessons, it repeats them.
I know my use of this language has deeply affronted at least one of my friends, who spent much of his life in the service of the U.S. military. Perhaps it offends others as well. I don’t mean to impugn your honor, or your personal worth and dignity. I do mean to confront the evil that is done when we justify war as an instrument of political power. Our nation’s present and past uses of its overwhelming military force are an abominable affront to human morality, by which all humanity is profoundly aggrieved.
I will try to avoid confusing abstract issues with concrete human conditions. War and peace, in the final analysis, are not abstractions. They are matters of life and death. They are brought about, in every instance, not by abstract causes, but by the intentional agency of free will.
I assert, in concrete terms, that war is inherently evil. To willfully engage in war is to justify concrete evil. To disavow war – and that is what I call each and every one of us to do – is to proclaim the moral imperative of “just peace.” To theorize “just war” is not only to abstract, but to falsify the truth. It is no less false than to aver, as in George Orwell’s doublespeak, that “War Is Peace.” War and peace are dichotomous. One cannot conclude logically from the other. The one can arise only in negation of the other. To negate the common good of peace, as our government has done, is to make a shameless mockery of the moral value of justice.
A growing number of people today believe that war is always wrong; that no circumstances ever justify one nation’s taking up arms against another. Is this view ethically sound?
To attempt a final analysis of terms in justification of war, for all times and all circumstances, would be more than futile; it would be useless. The premise here is rather that the present era is circumstantially different from other times when nations have engaged in war. For that reason, moral rationales that may have pertained in the past are no longer fitting. The view is that present day conditions of international warfare are such that no real-world war can be conducted under the kind of circumstances that once might have allowed so-called “just war” theory to stand to reason.
Traditional justifications, in this view, are no longer deemed reasonable, because the primary standards of “just war” theory, those of “just cause,” “non-combatant immunity,” and “proportionality of means and ends,” can no longer be upheld.
Traditionally, the only justifiable “causes,” that is the reasons and purposes, for war, are (1) national defense against foreign aggression, and (2) intervention in behalf of a nation subjected to foreign aggression (or counter-intervention against an unjust international intervention, or international intervention in warfare between mutual aggressors.) Under any circumstances other than these instances of justifiable defense, the entry into warfare, for any of a multitude of conceivable “reasons of state,” has been regarded as constituting the crime of international aggression.
In traditional moral reasoning, “just cause” is a necessary condition, but is not itself sufficient, to justify warfare. Additionally, the ways and means of waging war must not violate the rights of non-combatants to life, liberty, and property. The fighting – the damage, destruction, and killing – is to be limited to the persons and properties of the embattled armies. Only military personnel and war materiel are supposed to be put in harm’s way.
Further, the extent of the violence engaged in and the severity of the damage done is to be constrained by a sense of just proportion, such that, in meeting the requirements of defense, the force employed does not exceed that which is reasonably necessary to counter aggression. Escalation of warfare into excessive or disproportionate violence, though begun in justifiable defense, itself becomes criminal aggression.
Traditional proportionality in “just war” theory also includes the idea of a “reasonable expectation of success.” When violent means resorted to in defense, resistance, or retaliation cannot reasonably be expected to bring about an end to the aggression defended against, the defensive warfare cannot be justified as “proportionate” in its violence. In other words, defense would be futile, senseless, reckless, and wrongful – just as wrong as the aggression itself. Indiscriminate violence in defense against aggression would be just as wrong.
Since the advent of mechanized warfare and especially with the predominance of hugely destructive means of long-range bombardment, wars waged by national armies and armadas cannot be engaged in without the unconscionable harm to non-combatants now euphemistically called “collateral damage.” The recent development of so-called “smart weapons” notwithstanding, all warfare now entails much more damage and destruction of “civilian infrastructure,” and killing and injury of “innocent civilians” – often deliberate and intentional – than it does strictly military casualties. Moreover, the technical facility with which modern military attacks and counterattacks are carried out, with relative impunity, by far-away commanders and war equipment operators, make conventions in restraint of violence problematic, if not meaningless.
Furthermore, the complex world we live in is so interconnected economically and politically, and so thoroughly militarized, that it is virtually impossible for a “just cause” for war to be clearly distinguished. When, even in case of response against open aggression or atrocity, are the supposedly just motives of the rulers of powerful nations unmixed with avarice, ambition, or obdurate ideology?
These are some of the reasons why people have come to believe that international warfare is categorically unjustifiable and immoral, and I am not hesitant to identify myself as one of them. Let’s examine the obligations, ideals, and consequences involved in this moral analysis.
Ideologues intent upon war invariably argue that the first obligation of a national government is to defend its citizens against attack by potential enemies. This presumes, of course, the condition of enmity, of clear and present danger of attack by armed adversaries. Such conditions undoubtedly do exist in today’s world. And the duty to resist aggression is a traditionally recognized element in “just war” theory.
Nevertheless, these conditions of enmity do not exist for no reason. Threatening nations always perceive themselves, usually correctly, as being threatened, and actually aggrieved, by the enemies armed against them. War is the actualization of mutual enmity between armed forces prepared for war. Thus, as Albert Einstein is said to have commented, “You cannot simultaneously prevent and prepare for war.”
A state of constantly potential warfare can only be ended, and war prevented, by ceasing the aggravations that create international enmity. A powerful nation’s conversion to waging peace would entail its discontinuation of the cultural and economic antagonisms that prevail among human societies, and, contrary to prevailing policies of state, its voluntary national disarmament. Only the powerful nation that would dare to be first to beat its swords into ploughshares, and then give them to the poor of the world, can lead the community of nations toward peaceful coexistence.
In contradiction of the conventional obligation to “protect and defend” the nation by military preparedness, it is the truer obligation to humanity to prepare for peace by ceasing to threaten, aggrieve, and oppress. “National security” would be better attained through conversion to an ethic of cooperation and reconciliation, instead of competition and conflict, that is, to “love thine enemies,” and “love thy neighbor as thyself.”
When it comes to supposedly moral “justifications” of war in concrete practice, rather than abstract principle, two diametrically opposing ideals, war and peace, are conflated. Lasting peace is never achieved by means of war. The assertion that peaceful ends can be brought about by warlike means is a tragic lie. War accomplishes only death and destruction; winning a war can bring about only a temporary remission of armed conflict.
The waging of war begets more war. The nation that commits itself to readiness for war upholds war as its ideal. Only a nation that is committed to no war, and which actively seeks the good of others, instead of pursuing its own gain at the expense of others, can promote the ideal of peace. The powerful nation which is ready, willing, and able to wage overwhelmingly destructive warfare cannot serve as a peacemaker. Its defining ideal is war, not peace.
Demagogues exhorting populations to accept and support war invoke other oft-supposed obligations and ideals, but these are never more than cynical misuses of common human aspirations. Their traducements assert putative obligations in support of universal ideals, such as defending human rights against abuses, preserving individual freedom and prosperity, and promoting democracy. These are cruel charades.
The consequences of war in the 21st century can entail no such ideals, but only their opposites. These inevitable outcomes are central to the conviction that war, in any circumstances, is no longer a moral option. The potential harm to humans and their habitations, and to other living things, in any war carried out by a major military power today, ranges from catastrophic to apocalyptic. It can only result in enormous human grief and suffering, and a certainty of future violent conflict. The effects of war today are unmitigated evil. No good can come of it. Assertions to the contrary, that beneficial ends can come of the terrible means of modern warfare, are damned lies.
Among the obligations, ideals, and consequences involved in these considerations, the consequences are of the greatest concern. The consequences of war negate the positive obligations of national defense and national security, and the ideal of peace. The consequences of war obviate the falsely invoked ideals of the demagogue. Only the monstrous ideal of war itself, of military domination, which is concomitantly held paramount and denied by its greatest promoters, is met with in the consequences of war.
Is it ever really the case that no alternative to war is available to powerful modern nations? I think not. There are always a myriad of policy choices for resolution of international grievances. A will to peace is the only way to prevent war. Peace is the way. War, in reality, is no more the moral last resort reserved in “just war” theorization. It is the proximate resort of the will to coercive political power.
The end of a moral analysis is to decide which choice is most ethical. The answer is plain and simple. It is “to be or not to be,” that is, to be a warlike nation employing evil means for inhumane purposes, or not. A “just” war is no longer possible, if indeed it ever was.
The Nazarene Gospel
11 June 2004
By Jim Weller
The Nazarene gospel Jesus preached, his great “good news,” is that the kingdom of God is here now, “on earth as it is in heaven.” The realization of it is here (head), here (heart), and here (everywhere, everyone.) This is it! This is the truth that shall set you free!
If you would see the face of God, look in the faces of women, men, and children. If you would see the hands with which God works in the world, the feet with which God walks in the world, look at your own hands and feet. If you would hear the voice of God, listen to your own silent voice in prayerful reflection.
As Jesus taught, all the Torah and the Prophets are summed up in this single greatest commandment, “you shall love the LORD your God with all your soul, and all your heart, and all your mind,” because God is here (head, heart, everywhere, everyone.) Jesus taught another commandment like it, “Love your neighbor as you love yourself,” because every person – the inner conscience and consciousness in every person – reflects the image of God.
This is what I mean when I say you are not alone. This is the good news. The Presence of God is reflected, brightly or dimly, in six billion human souls’ mirrors, everywhere in the world. There are God’s images. Those are your neighbors. Love them, and yourself, for their brightness and their dimness as well.
Actually, I suppose there is good news and bad news here. The good news is that the kingdom of heaven is present within us, waiting for us only to realize it and live it out. The bad news, of course, is that heaven is not an idyllic paradise somewhere, waiting for us to leave this life behind. If your faith and hope are fixed on that kind of fantasy, you won’t easily accept the ever-present kingdom of God - God's Presence - into which you were accepted before you were born, and to which you may return whenever you are able to realize the truth, and accept your acceptance.
Have you been told you must accept Jesus Christ as your Lord and Savior? That may be the language you learned to use, or it may not be. I’m sure Jesus would not have said that. However it may be, the language of salvation is not the key. It is the authentic spirit that matters. Jesus’ good news is that you do not need to go anywhere, or to do anything, or to be anything but yourself, or even to believe anything special in order to be saved. You’re already there, just as you are, and you always have been.
When you come simply to apprehend the unity and universality of God, the reality of God’s Presence in your mind, and heart, and spirit, at the same time immanent and transcendent, you will be redeemed. You will realize that God and God’s Creation are one and the same as your larger self.
May it be so.
Amen.
By Jim Weller
The Nazarene gospel Jesus preached, his great “good news,” is that the kingdom of God is here now, “on earth as it is in heaven.” The realization of it is here (head), here (heart), and here (everywhere, everyone.) This is it! This is the truth that shall set you free!
If you would see the face of God, look in the faces of women, men, and children. If you would see the hands with which God works in the world, the feet with which God walks in the world, look at your own hands and feet. If you would hear the voice of God, listen to your own silent voice in prayerful reflection.
As Jesus taught, all the Torah and the Prophets are summed up in this single greatest commandment, “you shall love the LORD your God with all your soul, and all your heart, and all your mind,” because God is here (head, heart, everywhere, everyone.) Jesus taught another commandment like it, “Love your neighbor as you love yourself,” because every person – the inner conscience and consciousness in every person – reflects the image of God.
This is what I mean when I say you are not alone. This is the good news. The Presence of God is reflected, brightly or dimly, in six billion human souls’ mirrors, everywhere in the world. There are God’s images. Those are your neighbors. Love them, and yourself, for their brightness and their dimness as well.
Actually, I suppose there is good news and bad news here. The good news is that the kingdom of heaven is present within us, waiting for us only to realize it and live it out. The bad news, of course, is that heaven is not an idyllic paradise somewhere, waiting for us to leave this life behind. If your faith and hope are fixed on that kind of fantasy, you won’t easily accept the ever-present kingdom of God - God's Presence - into which you were accepted before you were born, and to which you may return whenever you are able to realize the truth, and accept your acceptance.
Have you been told you must accept Jesus Christ as your Lord and Savior? That may be the language you learned to use, or it may not be. I’m sure Jesus would not have said that. However it may be, the language of salvation is not the key. It is the authentic spirit that matters. Jesus’ good news is that you do not need to go anywhere, or to do anything, or to be anything but yourself, or even to believe anything special in order to be saved. You’re already there, just as you are, and you always have been.
When you come simply to apprehend the unity and universality of God, the reality of God’s Presence in your mind, and heart, and spirit, at the same time immanent and transcendent, you will be redeemed. You will realize that God and God’s Creation are one and the same as your larger self.
May it be so.
Amen.
God’s Late Night Monologue
9 March 2004
By Jim Weller
I’m an ordinary human being, like you; and I’m a religious person. I care about what I understand to be my responsibility to perceive the meaning of God’s will and to serve the divine purpose as best I can. Now, as far as I know, the Creator of the Universe does not grant us personal audiences. Nevertheless, I’ve spent some time imagining what God’s message for us might be, if God were to appear, say, on the Tonight show. So, here’s David Letterman:
DL: “Tonight we have a very special guest, never before seen on national television. Please welcome to our Los Angeles studios God Almighty, Author of All Creation, and LORD of All Nations!”
GA: “Thank you, David. It’s a pleasure to be here. I hope you won’t mind if I don’t sit down. I rested for a long time before coming here.”
DL: Of course; be comfortable. So, what do you have for us, God?”
GA: “I want you to know that you are all my children, and I’ll always love you, unconditionally. I am a God of mercy and justice. Those are the spiritual gifts of my love; they are real and they are available to you forever. All you have to do is accept them, and pass them on.”
“There are a few things we have to talk about, though. The first one is this: You people have got to stop killing each other. It’s just not okay. Read my lips – you shall not kill. I told my prophet Moses this in plain language, less than four thousand years ago, and I haven’t changed my policy since then. I know your attention spans are short, so I’ll say it again: No killing! I mean it. No excuses, no justifications; you shall not kill, period.”
“I want you to make sure everyone understands this, especially your leaders, because I know they’re not listening. Tell them there are four simple words in that Commandment, and the operative one is ‘not.’ What part of ‘not’ don’t you understand? There is no exculpatory language in this. I said, ‘you shall not kill.’ I didn’t say, ‘except your convicted criminals.’ I didn’t say, ‘except your government’s designated enemies.’ I didn’t say, ‘except those who strike you first.’ I didn’t say, ‘except those who you think might someday have the capacity to harm you.’”
“If you can’t accept this Commandment, you’re going to have to accept the consequences of your accursedness. After all the horrors that have gone down in your history, you ought to know by now what that means. You will reap what you sow.”
“I trust I’ve made myself clear on that point, but that’s not all I have to say. I want you to start taking the things my prophet Jesus told you seriously. He was not the first, nor the last, to tell the plain truth, but his words have been repeated more often than any, and a lot of you still don’t seem to get it. So let’s get back to basics.”
“‘Do unto others as you would have done unto you.’ You can begin and end your moral reasoning with that. ‘Love your neighbor as yourself.’ Just a few years ago, my beloved M.K. Gandhi put it this way; ‘You must be the change you wish to see in the world.’ Is that really so hard to remember? I want you to start making these the first principles for every decision you make in your life, and in your society. If not you, then who? If not now, then when? Let’s get with the program, kids. This is not rocket science. And that reminds me: If you can’t take care of each other here on earth, what good do you expect to do by going to Mars?”
“It’s high time for you to start showing each other the real meaning of mercy and justice, the way Jesus taught you, and I’m not just talking about the business of your courts and cops and lawyers. I’m talking about the way you relate to every other human being, person to person, everywhere in the world, every day.”
“You’ve all got to just get over your obsession with wealth and power and privilege and property. ‘You cannot serve both God and Mammon.’ ‘The rich man will find it harder to enter the kingdom of heaven than for a camel to go through the eye of a needle.’ The more you acquire and consume that you do not need, the less those in need will have to simply live. You’ve got to stop trashing God’s creation. Start putting more creative energy into learning how not to poison your land and air and food and water, and less into maximizing the return on your mutual funds. This is not righteous. This is not just. This is not merciful. And ‘God is not mocked.’”
“Yours are God’s hands and feet in the world. It is only by your vocation that God’s work is done. It is in your heart that God’s love is expressed, and in your conscience that God’s will is made manifest. The kingdom of God awaits humanity’s response – and that means you – to bring forth blessedness on the earth.”
“I know there are a great many of you who are making your lives blessed by acting each day in beneficence, and I want you to continue to celebrate your goodness. You are among the awakened and the blessed when you choose not to do harm, though it were easy to do otherwise, and many selfish voices incite you. You are blessed when you do not pass the beggar by, when you do not withhold comfort from the suffering, when you refuse to allow the unjustly privileged to appropriate for themselves the wealth of your communities. You are blessed when you refuse to accept the unjust wars made in your names, when you denounce all injustice done in your names by willful rulers.”
“Remember that your conscience is your connection with God. Trust in it, and it will not fail you.”
Those are my fervent imaginings. That’s the best I can tell you. God is never going to turn up as Leno’s or Letterman’s guest. God is not going to tell you in so many words what you have to do, or not to do. But I know this: There’s a reason why we are here; and the truth is not hidden. There’s a still, small voice in the heart of every one of us that will tell us the truth, if only our clamorous minds will shut up long enough for us to listen. That’s what prayer is.
May you each be prayerful when the meanings of your lives matter the most. May you be blessed with faith, and hope, and love. May your will lead you not into temptation, and may you be delivered from evil. For in your own soul are the kingdom, and the power, and the glory of God, now and forever.
Amen.
By Jim Weller
I’m an ordinary human being, like you; and I’m a religious person. I care about what I understand to be my responsibility to perceive the meaning of God’s will and to serve the divine purpose as best I can. Now, as far as I know, the Creator of the Universe does not grant us personal audiences. Nevertheless, I’ve spent some time imagining what God’s message for us might be, if God were to appear, say, on the Tonight show. So, here’s David Letterman:
DL: “Tonight we have a very special guest, never before seen on national television. Please welcome to our Los Angeles studios God Almighty, Author of All Creation, and LORD of All Nations!”
GA: “Thank you, David. It’s a pleasure to be here. I hope you won’t mind if I don’t sit down. I rested for a long time before coming here.”
DL: Of course; be comfortable. So, what do you have for us, God?”
GA: “I want you to know that you are all my children, and I’ll always love you, unconditionally. I am a God of mercy and justice. Those are the spiritual gifts of my love; they are real and they are available to you forever. All you have to do is accept them, and pass them on.”
“There are a few things we have to talk about, though. The first one is this: You people have got to stop killing each other. It’s just not okay. Read my lips – you shall not kill. I told my prophet Moses this in plain language, less than four thousand years ago, and I haven’t changed my policy since then. I know your attention spans are short, so I’ll say it again: No killing! I mean it. No excuses, no justifications; you shall not kill, period.”
“I want you to make sure everyone understands this, especially your leaders, because I know they’re not listening. Tell them there are four simple words in that Commandment, and the operative one is ‘not.’ What part of ‘not’ don’t you understand? There is no exculpatory language in this. I said, ‘you shall not kill.’ I didn’t say, ‘except your convicted criminals.’ I didn’t say, ‘except your government’s designated enemies.’ I didn’t say, ‘except those who strike you first.’ I didn’t say, ‘except those who you think might someday have the capacity to harm you.’”
“If you can’t accept this Commandment, you’re going to have to accept the consequences of your accursedness. After all the horrors that have gone down in your history, you ought to know by now what that means. You will reap what you sow.”
“I trust I’ve made myself clear on that point, but that’s not all I have to say. I want you to start taking the things my prophet Jesus told you seriously. He was not the first, nor the last, to tell the plain truth, but his words have been repeated more often than any, and a lot of you still don’t seem to get it. So let’s get back to basics.”
“‘Do unto others as you would have done unto you.’ You can begin and end your moral reasoning with that. ‘Love your neighbor as yourself.’ Just a few years ago, my beloved M.K. Gandhi put it this way; ‘You must be the change you wish to see in the world.’ Is that really so hard to remember? I want you to start making these the first principles for every decision you make in your life, and in your society. If not you, then who? If not now, then when? Let’s get with the program, kids. This is not rocket science. And that reminds me: If you can’t take care of each other here on earth, what good do you expect to do by going to Mars?”
“It’s high time for you to start showing each other the real meaning of mercy and justice, the way Jesus taught you, and I’m not just talking about the business of your courts and cops and lawyers. I’m talking about the way you relate to every other human being, person to person, everywhere in the world, every day.”
“You’ve all got to just get over your obsession with wealth and power and privilege and property. ‘You cannot serve both God and Mammon.’ ‘The rich man will find it harder to enter the kingdom of heaven than for a camel to go through the eye of a needle.’ The more you acquire and consume that you do not need, the less those in need will have to simply live. You’ve got to stop trashing God’s creation. Start putting more creative energy into learning how not to poison your land and air and food and water, and less into maximizing the return on your mutual funds. This is not righteous. This is not just. This is not merciful. And ‘God is not mocked.’”
“Yours are God’s hands and feet in the world. It is only by your vocation that God’s work is done. It is in your heart that God’s love is expressed, and in your conscience that God’s will is made manifest. The kingdom of God awaits humanity’s response – and that means you – to bring forth blessedness on the earth.”
“I know there are a great many of you who are making your lives blessed by acting each day in beneficence, and I want you to continue to celebrate your goodness. You are among the awakened and the blessed when you choose not to do harm, though it were easy to do otherwise, and many selfish voices incite you. You are blessed when you do not pass the beggar by, when you do not withhold comfort from the suffering, when you refuse to allow the unjustly privileged to appropriate for themselves the wealth of your communities. You are blessed when you refuse to accept the unjust wars made in your names, when you denounce all injustice done in your names by willful rulers.”
“Remember that your conscience is your connection with God. Trust in it, and it will not fail you.”
Those are my fervent imaginings. That’s the best I can tell you. God is never going to turn up as Leno’s or Letterman’s guest. God is not going to tell you in so many words what you have to do, or not to do. But I know this: There’s a reason why we are here; and the truth is not hidden. There’s a still, small voice in the heart of every one of us that will tell us the truth, if only our clamorous minds will shut up long enough for us to listen. That’s what prayer is.
May you each be prayerful when the meanings of your lives matter the most. May you be blessed with faith, and hope, and love. May your will lead you not into temptation, and may you be delivered from evil. For in your own soul are the kingdom, and the power, and the glory of God, now and forever.
Amen.
Hussein vs. Bush
2 July 2004
By Jim Weller
It was predictable and darkly, regrettably, humorous to witness the spectacle of Sadaam Hussein publicly arraigned, before an unidentified judge, in an undisclosed location, still under U.S. military custody, angrily and defiantly insisting, “I am the President of Iraq!” He stands accused, by all accounts rightly, of many horrible crimes against humanity, yet in his view, he is irreproachable. He is absolutely certain of his authority and his justification – despite, doubtlessly, having dictated policies which resulted in the reasonless deaths of many thousands of people, and grievous suffering for many more; and despite never having been freely and fairly elected by the people of his country – which brings me to my point: The very same is true of George W. Bush. There’s the greater irony.
It seems an ageless truth of humanity that, when absolute power corrupts absolutely, those depraved by power believe themselves to be transcendent of all bounds of conscience and ordinary morality. Thus, such hopelessly damned souls exult in the sort of double-speak by which miserable lies are proclaimed truth, as we’ve heard both Bush and Hussein so proudly do.
Sadaam is deeply, irredeemably in the wrong, and so is Bush, but not on the same account. Hussein neither threatened nor attacked the U.S.A., nor did he aid or abet the terrorists who did. Bush lied and misprised the United States and the world about this. He criminally attacked the Iraqi people and destroyed their nation, upon utterly false premises, wasting untold thousands of lives in the process.
George W. Bush’s ideological forebears, George Bush the elder and Ronald Reagan before him, behaved in the same fashion, with the same motivations, continuing the trend of a century of U.S. military adventurism and political and economic imperialism. Thus, the United States has made of itself an island fortress in a sea of enmity. The crimes of the United States, most egregiously but not solely committed by the present Bush regime, overshadow enormously Sadaam Hussein’s crimes, in which the U.S. government was deeply complicit as well. It is right that Hussein should be tried by his own people, though it is not at all clear that is what’s happening. Just the same, Bush should be tried by his people after he is politically deposed – which I trust, hope, and pray will be the result of this November’s election.
The end of Bush’s tyranny may have now begun, but the social and political revolution the people of the United States must make will have only just begun with overthrowing Bush. Indicting, trying, and condemning him and all his co-conspirators will be the necessary next step. A structural transformation of the polity of the United States toward a more democratic, more just society, together with thoroughgoing demilitarization, and an economic transformation in the interest of social equity and sustainability, will have to follow.
By Jim Weller
It was predictable and darkly, regrettably, humorous to witness the spectacle of Sadaam Hussein publicly arraigned, before an unidentified judge, in an undisclosed location, still under U.S. military custody, angrily and defiantly insisting, “I am the President of Iraq!” He stands accused, by all accounts rightly, of many horrible crimes against humanity, yet in his view, he is irreproachable. He is absolutely certain of his authority and his justification – despite, doubtlessly, having dictated policies which resulted in the reasonless deaths of many thousands of people, and grievous suffering for many more; and despite never having been freely and fairly elected by the people of his country – which brings me to my point: The very same is true of George W. Bush. There’s the greater irony.
It seems an ageless truth of humanity that, when absolute power corrupts absolutely, those depraved by power believe themselves to be transcendent of all bounds of conscience and ordinary morality. Thus, such hopelessly damned souls exult in the sort of double-speak by which miserable lies are proclaimed truth, as we’ve heard both Bush and Hussein so proudly do.
Sadaam is deeply, irredeemably in the wrong, and so is Bush, but not on the same account. Hussein neither threatened nor attacked the U.S.A., nor did he aid or abet the terrorists who did. Bush lied and misprised the United States and the world about this. He criminally attacked the Iraqi people and destroyed their nation, upon utterly false premises, wasting untold thousands of lives in the process.
George W. Bush’s ideological forebears, George Bush the elder and Ronald Reagan before him, behaved in the same fashion, with the same motivations, continuing the trend of a century of U.S. military adventurism and political and economic imperialism. Thus, the United States has made of itself an island fortress in a sea of enmity. The crimes of the United States, most egregiously but not solely committed by the present Bush regime, overshadow enormously Sadaam Hussein’s crimes, in which the U.S. government was deeply complicit as well. It is right that Hussein should be tried by his own people, though it is not at all clear that is what’s happening. Just the same, Bush should be tried by his people after he is politically deposed – which I trust, hope, and pray will be the result of this November’s election.
The end of Bush’s tyranny may have now begun, but the social and political revolution the people of the United States must make will have only just begun with overthrowing Bush. Indicting, trying, and condemning him and all his co-conspirators will be the necessary next step. A structural transformation of the polity of the United States toward a more democratic, more just society, together with thoroughgoing demilitarization, and an economic transformation in the interest of social equity and sustainability, will have to follow.
The Democratic National Convention Unfolds – Like A Pesticide-Soaked Rose
By Jim Weller
28 July 2004
There’s not a lot of democracy happening at the Democratic National Convention in Boston this week. Not that there’s any at all, in the Republican fortress in Washington, D.C. Now, don’t get me wrong. There’s not a snowball’s chance in Hades any progressive with his or her head screwed on straight is going to do other than to vote for the Kerry/Edwards ticket, no matter what. Unless it becomes so clear we would bet our lives by Election Day that Bush is burnt toast. Then some of us might relax and vote our consciences, like for Nader or Camejo. But that’s an unlikely eventuality. It looks like it’s going to be a knock-down, drag-out contest between the Bushites and the People, all the way to November 2, and maybe beyond, if the 2000 election fraud is any indication.
John Kerry has said that under his leadership, the United States will never go to war because it wants to, but only because it has to. Well, that’s a change from Bush’s hell-bent-for-war doctrine. But will Kerry immediately withdraw U.S. military forces from Iraq? No, he’s not saying that. And the Democratic Party management doesn’t want anybody saying anything like that at the Convention, either. The former California Green Party candidate for U.S. Senate, Medea Benjamin, was dragged off the Convention floor kicking and screaming by police, at the behest of Democratic Party bosses, for trying to display an antiwar banner. All the pre-nomination speakers have been leaned on, hard, to tone down the rhetoric against the Bush war in Iraq. Even Ted Kennedy, the Senate’s boldest antiwar antagonist of late, held himself in reserve.
These are stomach-turning shades of the cowardly 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago, when angry voices of dissent were kept outside, while the “Happy Warrior” Hubert Humphrey’s loins were girt with Democratic Centrism for the battle against Richard Nixon. In those days, the fearless antiwar protestors of my generation were out on the loose raising Cain in Chicago’s streets. In 2004, the Boston police have made a razor-wire fenced internment center under an abandoned elevated train track to pen them in. The Convention Center is cordoned off by an impenetrable military guard. At least Ted Kennedy was able to address the Convention. By the time the Democrats convened in 1968, his brother Robert was already dead, assassinated for his antiwar threat to the Republican military-industrial establishment. Humphrey happy-talked his way to political defeat that year, instead of confronting the elephant in the living room. It took something completely different, beginning with a bungled break-and-enter job, to bring Nixon down six years later.
We’re all going to have to get behind John Kerry and John Edwards this year in order to beat the, er, tar out of Bush and Cheney. But we sure as, er, shootin’ can’t stop there. We’re going to have to keep organizing and keep on pushing to elect a progressive mid-term majority to Congress in 2006. Republican governors have got to go, too. That’s where the Empire gets its stooges to run for President, as often as not. But that’s not all, no. In some ways, I think Karl Marx was right. We, the People are going to have a house-to-house, street-by-street struggle on our hands for the rest of our lives, and for generations to come, to sweep back the historic forces of Mammon in our communities and our nation.
We’re not alone. People worldwide are engaged in national liberation struggles, as they have been for decades, against the same forces. Some of the freedom fighters are more advanced – or their oppressors are less deeply entrenched – than we are here. Our domestic Imperialists are by far the biggest, baddest foreign aggressors in the world. That’s our cross to bear. It’s high time we began to throw them off our collective backs – and our children’s children’s.
So sign on for the long march, friends. The only good Republican is a disempowered one. They’re everywhere and they’ve got a whole lot of money, pawns, privilege, and vassals on their side. They’ll stop at nothing to stay in power. But we’ve got one thing those sons-of-Bushes haven’t got: The truth. And we’ve got the sedated giant, the democratic body politic, beginning to awaken. Defeat them we must. Then we’d better start getting the Democrats into shape – and re-shape the system while we’re at it – so the Imperial hyenas can no longer hide behind them, and fool some of the People all the time, or all of the People even some of the time, any more.
We all have our work cut out for us. As my former pastor, the Rev. Rachel Anderson once said, we have to “Show up, pay attention, tell the truth, and let go of the outcome,” if we are to do God’s work in the world, and do it well and wisely.
28 July 2004
There’s not a lot of democracy happening at the Democratic National Convention in Boston this week. Not that there’s any at all, in the Republican fortress in Washington, D.C. Now, don’t get me wrong. There’s not a snowball’s chance in Hades any progressive with his or her head screwed on straight is going to do other than to vote for the Kerry/Edwards ticket, no matter what. Unless it becomes so clear we would bet our lives by Election Day that Bush is burnt toast. Then some of us might relax and vote our consciences, like for Nader or Camejo. But that’s an unlikely eventuality. It looks like it’s going to be a knock-down, drag-out contest between the Bushites and the People, all the way to November 2, and maybe beyond, if the 2000 election fraud is any indication.
John Kerry has said that under his leadership, the United States will never go to war because it wants to, but only because it has to. Well, that’s a change from Bush’s hell-bent-for-war doctrine. But will Kerry immediately withdraw U.S. military forces from Iraq? No, he’s not saying that. And the Democratic Party management doesn’t want anybody saying anything like that at the Convention, either. The former California Green Party candidate for U.S. Senate, Medea Benjamin, was dragged off the Convention floor kicking and screaming by police, at the behest of Democratic Party bosses, for trying to display an antiwar banner. All the pre-nomination speakers have been leaned on, hard, to tone down the rhetoric against the Bush war in Iraq. Even Ted Kennedy, the Senate’s boldest antiwar antagonist of late, held himself in reserve.
These are stomach-turning shades of the cowardly 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago, when angry voices of dissent were kept outside, while the “Happy Warrior” Hubert Humphrey’s loins were girt with Democratic Centrism for the battle against Richard Nixon. In those days, the fearless antiwar protestors of my generation were out on the loose raising Cain in Chicago’s streets. In 2004, the Boston police have made a razor-wire fenced internment center under an abandoned elevated train track to pen them in. The Convention Center is cordoned off by an impenetrable military guard. At least Ted Kennedy was able to address the Convention. By the time the Democrats convened in 1968, his brother Robert was already dead, assassinated for his antiwar threat to the Republican military-industrial establishment. Humphrey happy-talked his way to political defeat that year, instead of confronting the elephant in the living room. It took something completely different, beginning with a bungled break-and-enter job, to bring Nixon down six years later.
We’re all going to have to get behind John Kerry and John Edwards this year in order to beat the, er, tar out of Bush and Cheney. But we sure as, er, shootin’ can’t stop there. We’re going to have to keep organizing and keep on pushing to elect a progressive mid-term majority to Congress in 2006. Republican governors have got to go, too. That’s where the Empire gets its stooges to run for President, as often as not. But that’s not all, no. In some ways, I think Karl Marx was right. We, the People are going to have a house-to-house, street-by-street struggle on our hands for the rest of our lives, and for generations to come, to sweep back the historic forces of Mammon in our communities and our nation.
We’re not alone. People worldwide are engaged in national liberation struggles, as they have been for decades, against the same forces. Some of the freedom fighters are more advanced – or their oppressors are less deeply entrenched – than we are here. Our domestic Imperialists are by far the biggest, baddest foreign aggressors in the world. That’s our cross to bear. It’s high time we began to throw them off our collective backs – and our children’s children’s.
So sign on for the long march, friends. The only good Republican is a disempowered one. They’re everywhere and they’ve got a whole lot of money, pawns, privilege, and vassals on their side. They’ll stop at nothing to stay in power. But we’ve got one thing those sons-of-Bushes haven’t got: The truth. And we’ve got the sedated giant, the democratic body politic, beginning to awaken. Defeat them we must. Then we’d better start getting the Democrats into shape – and re-shape the system while we’re at it – so the Imperial hyenas can no longer hide behind them, and fool some of the People all the time, or all of the People even some of the time, any more.
We all have our work cut out for us. As my former pastor, the Rev. Rachel Anderson once said, we have to “Show up, pay attention, tell the truth, and let go of the outcome,” if we are to do God’s work in the world, and do it well and wisely.
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